Primary Source Assignment Essays Example

The various letters written to labor newspapers or their editors range from 1905-1913 and were sent to The Voice published out of Winnipeg, the Industrial Workers out of Spokane, Wash., and Solidarity out of New Castle, Penn. This is evident as seen in the excerpts in Abella and Millar's 1978 book The Canadian Worker in the Twentieth Century. Upon reading these letters from 'concerned and disgruntled workers' in the railway construction industry, there are various strengths and weaknesses that are strikingly noticeable from the documents.
The perspective source documents of the Canadian labor historians portray the strength of these primary sources as very detailed. This is an intuitive view of the everyday toil of a worker on the railways of the Canadian West in the early 20th century. The Documents communicate a complex yet dismally affection that is beyond what is covered by general history texts. Rather than solely focusing on the rigorous conditions of this line of work and/or the necessary toughness required, these letters add an extra and intangible feature, giving the reader the required texture. Though unpleasant, the sadness of workers during the construction period is portrayed with lots of vigor.
Firstly, common themes shared by these letters depict the central strength of this primary source. These common topics serve to reinforce the central message, making it seem like politically connected points. Although one may believe that they were more likely written by union or labor leaders rather than the average worker, they still give understanding of the labor movement much better. This is by providing insight to the message(s) conveyed by the movement.
The terminology used is almost propaganda-like, such as the word 'slave'. The latter term was used in most contests to describe the workers and all this comes off as seemingly very effective to the letters' audience. This control of the message and the targeted use of the language can also be understood as a merit of primary sources in providing understanding of how the labour movement's message drew more attention through the advantageous use of the press. Additionally, they used language to effectively influence the public's perspective, worker's opinions and therefore their actions.
These accounts were most likely deplored to the public who read such letters. As a result public figures may have exerted influence through directly spreading these stories through word-of-mouth or using influence with government or railroad company officials known to them thus sparking empathy of workers in other industries. In addition, the western railway companies i.e. the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) and the Grand Trunk Pacific (GTP) may have taken advantage of the railway workers by the creating a sense of unity among the 'working men' of various industries.
In regard to the weaknesses of this primary source for labor historians, we can find that the letters-to-the-editor appear to have been written by union or labor leaders. This raises questionable doubt or at least the sense of insincerity as to whether the letters actually depict the views of the average railway worker or the complaints of working conditions and maltreatment of the workers is actually as bad as it is stated in the letters.
A second weakness is somehow connected to the terminology and language used. The letters show the well-spoken abilities of those who penned these seemingly political messages. The messages are pointed, on-point and campaign-like, which gives a sense of weakness as a main source for understanding the actual conditions of the railway worker at that time. In actual sense there is no way to tell if the letters contain factual content or genuine accounts of a brutal work existence.
Moving on to the details found in these letters, we find ample information that sheds more light on the nature of work and unions organizing in the railway industry during this time of rail expansion throughout western Canada in the early 20th century. Upon discussing the working conditions of workers, what life was like for these laborers or navies as depicted in the letters, one must take into account the notions raised in the strengths and weaknesses of the source noted above. These concepts are ostensibly inseparable from each other in order to gain a true understanding of the issue.
Looking at the employment arrangements, these laborers appear to have been hired through sub-contractors whether through an employment agency or a local railway official/superintendent. These arrangements therefore leave them vulnerable and prone to violation of their worker rights. Those who went through the employment centers found that they had been hired with credit from the company to cover their travel expenses to the work sites and food on the journey. Such an employment plan unfortunately left the worker indebted to the company before even getting paid, as a 1913 letter noted that “by the time the men (laborers hired through employment agencies) arrive at their destination they find themselves in debt to the firm to the tune of about $50 [p. 69]. Other letters also allude to this scenario.
A large part of this indebtedness to the company came in the form of the cost of the laborers’ room, board, and living necessities such as blankets, clothes, food, etc. As result, the everyday worker was seemingly 'gouged' by his employer, as the CPR and the GFP held a sort of monopoly on how/where the men slept, what they ate, what supplies were available, and most importantly what the cost of these life necessities were.
Setting conditions aside and considering a laborer’s wages with the deductions from severely overpriced housing, food, supplies, and sometimes transit fees for work-related/required travel, there was little left for the workers to live on and hardly able to save any money for harder times. One letter from 1905 talks of an extra Gang Foreman who was told by his employer (CPR) to not give work to any man applying for it unless he boards on the company's cars at the rate of $4 per week. He rhetorically asked “Does the C.P.R make sufficient money without wanting a certain percentage of the wages of the men it employs?” [p. 60]. This 'worker' goes on to note that “a man is employed at a rate $1.50 a day, so that at the end of a week if he is at all lucky, he has $5 in pocket after paying board” [p. 60].
These documents show the unfortunate position of the worker in that he has no other option as a consumer but to purchase housing, food, supplies elsewhere since the railway companies own most all supporting businesses. This 'forceful’ purchase from the company-ran or contracted stores cost the workers greater premium compared to city prices across Canada. On that point 'A Working Man on the Job” writes, “The commissary is a sore spot with the men. Shirts which cost $1.75 and $2,00 in Edmonton cost $5 from these contractors” socks, 40 cents, company cost $1; mitts, 40 cents to $1; underclothes, $1.75 to $5, blankets $2 to $7, respectively, etc.. [p. 66].
And on top of all these seemingly unfortunate and less-favorable situations for the 'working man' as relating to the limited wages and high cost of living, there is the issue of the abysmal working conditions. One writes describes the sleeping accommodations as being cruel noting, “we are herded together in box cars like so many cattle—in fact cattle are treated in a much better manner” and that 24 workers are to one care lying upon straw in wooden bunks, with no lamps for night time, nor brooms the sweep the filthy cars out with [p. 60]. Many of the letters noted the complete absence of soap, towels, and pans for bathing. And then the issue of the food provided, which at the overpriced rate of 50 cents a meal, the workers received what one letter described as “something fierce” and that it “was so rotten and so poorly cooked that it made nearly everyone sick” [p. 62].
As for the workers' pay, which I noted that some deductions were made, they also had to deal with difficult cashing check. The men were not only charged $0.25 to cash, but since none of the businesses recognized the checks; the worker was forced to make a long haul to a banking establishment. This was an additional deduction from their pay for just trying to cash their checks.
In Conclusion I have discussed in detail in the strengths and weaknesses' section, and how the union authors of these letters used effective language and themes to appeal to the working class. And since it has already been supposed that these letters where written by union leaders, I would not take them directly at face value, although they allude to actual atrocious work situations for these railway workers. So these letters do have credence in presenting a likely scenario for many of these workers but their ultimate goal can be seen in their attempt to bring new workers into the union fold. One letter notes on the 'slaves' trampling along to find their 'master', giving a solution and a goal for these letters as it states, “Now if they would only unite in the One Big Industrial Union of their class they would soon make the big, fat parasite come to the union hall, instead of going to the 'catch 'em and skin 'em' employment shark” [p. 64].

Bibliography

Abella, Irving, and David Millar. Editors. The Canadian Worker in the Twentieth Century, 59-71. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1978.